10. Statistical Arguments

 


Statistical reasoning allows us to use specific inductive principles and mathematical calculations to generate conclusions about events and groups of things. Although mathematics is a deductive science, it can be used to generate inductive conclusions, both because of the types of generalizations inferred from the calculations and the fact that the guiding principles are fundamentally experiential.

We use samples (a subset of a population) when we want to know something about a specific group of things, because we cannot successfully count each individual member of the target group, or population.

For example, if we want to know something about “U.S. citizens’ attitudes toward gender,” we can’t interview each one. What we do instead is identify our population, which in this case is U.S. citizenry, and determine the representative sample, that is, the sample that accurately reflects the characteristics of the population as a whole. Sometimes, the representative sample is created through random sampling, in which every member of the population has an equal chance of getting into the sample. Very often, our aim is to find a statistical average—a numeric version of generalization. There are three types of statistical average:

1.                Mean: determined by adding relevant numerical values, then dividing by the number of objects represented by those values.

2.                Median: determined by locating the number that divides the numeric data set in half.

3.                Mode: determined by locating the value in the data set that occurs most.

Standard deviation measures the amount of diversity in a numeric data set. This is useful in statistical reasoning for determining diversity around the mean.

The standard deviation of a numeric data set is calculated through a series of steps.

Step 1: Calculate the mean value.

Step 2: Calculate the difference between each value in the set and the mean value.

Step 3: Multiply each difference by itself (square each difference).

Step 4: Add the results of the squaring process in step 3.

Step 5: Divide the result of step 4 by one fewer than the number of members in the set.

Step 6: The square root of the total variance is the standard deviation.

Results can be skewed. Because real-life data does not always fit perfectly bell-shaped curves, the same basic principles apply in calculating the standard deviation. The problem lies in interpreting and applying unexpected sets of results. For example, interpretation and application of complex statistical data can be influenced by social policy, such as federal funding for Higher Education, which often depends on the results of statistical studies. While some school administrators have used statistical data to justify an increase in the amount of money for colleges, others have used statistical data to justify a decrease in the amount of money available. They relied on different data, but also on different interpretations. Statistical inferences can be erroneous. This can be accidental or intentional, but in either case, it is important never to take conclusions inferred from statistical evidence at face value. When data is too precise one could be committing the fallacy of misleading precision (A tour guide at a museum says a dinosaur skeleton is 100,000,005 years old, because an expert told him that it was 100 million years old when he started working there 5 years ago.)

 

 

 

Another fallacy that could occur is the Fallacy of composition. When we assume all journalists are bias because a few are is an example of this fallacy which I will illustrate bellow.

 

 

The Liberal Media[1]

 

Is there a liberal bias in the media? A recent study says there is neither a liberal nor a conservative bias in media reporting. Although most journalists lean left (nearly 80 percent of the respondents certainly did), this ideological bias has no statistical effect on their reporting.

 

Between May 2017 and July 2017 a team of four researchers searched for the email addresses of political journalists and editors after visiting the website or Facebook page of every newspaper in each state. To test this possibility of strong ideological skew, in the spring of 2018, the team ran a correspondence experiment, sampling around 13,500 journalists[1].

 

They created fake campaign email address for a fake candidate running for the state legislature. They asked Journalist to cover this potential candidate (Its ok, the journalist didn’t know it was a fake candidate). It’s a journals job to cover campaigns and the people who run in them. This this kind of request is common.

 

As the authors state this

 

“…a story on this topic would not be so important that it eliminates journalist discretion about whether to cover the topic depending on the journalist’s perception of the nature of the story, the presence of other ongoing news stories, and the time required to follow up on the story. In short, this story appears to be something that is generally considered newsworthy but is subject to journalist discretion and is exactly the type of story where gatekeeping biases could be manifest”[2]

 

The study found no statistical difference[3] in the probability of a journalist responding to a conservative or a progressive candidate.[4]

 

One could argue that these journalists are simply responding to market demand. They may feel more pressure to cover a conservative candidate due to conservative subscribers in the media organization they work for and they don’t want to alienate current and potential revenue.[5]

 

In response to this argument the authors state

 

“…we find that a journalist working for a newspaper in a county that voted for Trump is just as likely to respond to a request for an interview with a progressive candidate as they are to a request from a conservative candidate..[6]

 

This is something you can through at people who use the term “The Liberal Media“.

 

Although this is only one study.

 

 

 

 

 

The Fallacy of composition.  This occurs when one infers that something is true of the whole from the fact that it is true of some part of the whole. A trivial example might be: "This sign on the building is made of paint, thus this building is made of paint.

If everyone has the right business concept, everyone will become a billionaire.

If a swims faster, he can win the race. Therefore, if all the swimmers swim faster, they can all win the race.

Another example of this fallacy is when people assume that all protests are violent because a few are as illustrated in the article below.

 

 

The Condorcet paradox, ivoting theory, is another example. Because even if all voters have rational preferences, the collective choice induced by majority rule is not transitive and hence not rational. The fallacy of composition occurs if from the rationality of the individuals one infers that society can be equally rational. The principle generalizes beyond the aggregation via majority rule to any reasonable aggregation rule, demonstrating that the aggregation of individual preferences into a social welfare function is fraught with severe difficulties.

The Modo hoc fallacy[i] is also related. This error occurs when assessing meaning to an existent based on the constituent properties of its material makeup while omitting the matter's arrangement. A chicken, which is a live a happy and a chicken which has been chopped into pieces is the same.

 

Another Fallacy is the Out-group homogeneity effect. This occurs when the perception of out-group members as more similar to one another than are in-group members,

"they are alike; we are diverse".

Another Fallacy is Overwhelming exception. This occurs when a generalization that is accurate, becomes less accurate with one or more qualifications which eliminate so many cases that what remains is much less impressive than the initial statement might have led one to believe.

Another fallacy is the apples and oranges fallacy. This fallacy occurs when comparisons are drawn between events or sets of circumstances that appear to share a commonality but are distinct from one another. They are distinct due to having occurred during different times in diverse places, under diverse socio-economic conditions, to dissimilar groups of people, etc. Assuming these distinct things are the same can lead to the false assumption that, just because something is true under one set of circumstances, it will necessarily be true for all circumstances of a similar sort. This apples and oranges fallacy is a fallacy of false equivalence – which is committed when one shared trait between two subjects is assumed to show equivalence, especially in order of magnitude, when equivalence is not necessarily the logical result.

 

 

 

 

Apples and Oranges and Murders

 

 “… of the 2,491 murders of black people reported in the U.S. in 2013, 2,245 perpetrators (90%) were black and 189 perpetrators (7.6%) were white. Of 3,005 murders of white people, 2,509 perpetrators (83.5%) were white while 409 perpetrators (13.6%) were black.”

 

You know what this means…

 

This means that people reporting that black people kill more white people that white people kill black people need to learn about statistics.

 

Because the person that made this graph assumed that there was about 245 million white people and 42 million black people living in the US in 2013. Depending on the race of the murderer they divided these numbers into the four different murder categories by either 245 or 42 to find the ‘per million’ rates they used in the bar graph.

 

By this logic 0.77 white people out of every million white people are killed by a black person, while 9.83 black people out of every million black people are killed by a white person.

 

Due to the label at the top of the chart stating per 1,000,000 members of the murderer’s race essentially what is being standardized by is changed in each of those bar charts. Thus, the numbers are presented side by side as though directly comparable, but they are not.

 

There are almost six times more white people than black people, so these numbers are reported as though the populations are equal. The numbers don’t support an argument confirming white genocide, because the numbers are not proportional.

 

They don’t support an argument against white privilege either especially when you look at the likelihood of being killed by someone of the same race or someone of a different race.

 

According to Reuters:

 

“If you’re a white person in 2013, based on the FBI data, your chances of being killed by anyone are roughly 13 in a million; if you’re a black person in 2013, your chances of being killed by anyone were 62 in a million, which is almost five times what the odds are for a white person.”

 

While data shows more white people killed in general, by police or whatever, this is mainly because there are more of them. Almost 200 million. But when we get into likelihood and stuff like that we see the difference between the population and the likelihood of being killed.

 

Anyway comparing these two groups side by side when the populations vary so widely is called the apples and oranges fallacy. This occurs when you compare two very different things as though they are the same.

 

https://www.reuters.com/article/uk-fact-check-bar-graph-black-white-homi/fact-check-misleading-bar-graph-presents-distorted-interpretation-of-black-and-white-murder-rates-idUSKBN23M2SX

 

https://ucr.fbi.gov/crime-in-the-u.s/2013/crime-in-the-u.s.-2013/offenses-known-to-law-enforcement/expanded-homicide/expanded_homicide_data_table_6_murder_race_and_sex_of_vicitm_by_race_and_sex_of_offender_2013.xls



[1] https://advances.sciencemag.org/content/6/14/eaay9344/tab-pdf

[1] (pg.3)

[2] (pg.4)

[3] “no statistical or substantive difference”

[4] Comparing the two poles, strong conservative candidates are, on average, a mere 0.4 percentage points less likely to get a response than strong progressive candidates. This effect is miniscule…(pg. 4)

[5] (pg. 5)

[6] (pg. 5)

 



[i] metaphysical naturalism states that while matter and motion are all that compose humans, it cannot be assumed that the characteristics inherent in the elements and physical reactions that make us up ultimately and solely define our meaning

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